Category Archives: highlight home

Inclusive Peace’s Researcher Philip Poppelreuter, shares three impressions from the recent PeaceTech Hackathon in Lausanne, where students and professionals from various backgrounds came together to solve challenges around peace & tech.

As Inclusive Peace, we have increasingly examined opportunities for using technology in our peace process support work. The first-ever PeaceTech Hackathon in Switzerland on 9-10 March 2024, organised by the EPFL EssentialTech Centre and Open Geneva, provided an exciting environment to delve further into the intersection between peace and technology. The event brought together students and professionals from various backgrounds to discuss in small groups of 5-10 individuals how technology can help tackle global peace challenges.

I had the privilege to represent Inclusive Peace as one of nine “challenge owners” at the event. Our challenge focused on entry points for refining the open-source deliberation technology Polis to render national dialogues more inclusive. Polis has been applied in several contexts to promote online brainstorming and consensus-building on various political issues among large groups of individuals. However, it is yet to be applied in the context of national dialogues, which come with specific challenges in facilitating consensus-building on highly sensitive political, social, and economic issues.

I left my first-ever Hackathon with three main impressions:

Hackathons as spaces of mutual learning and unique discussion dynamics

Hackathon participants’ diverse thematic expertise made them look at our challenge from different angles. Rich discussions on how to approach the challenge started as soon as the group assembled and pulled into different directions at times. A pronounced collaborative spirit enabled the group to jointly agree on a working process and labor division in addressing our challenge, nevertheless. It was highly interesting to see how the participants, who did not know each other, navigated the inherently challenging discussion space and created a conducive environment for mutual learning.

Handling technology with care

The conversations had during the hackathon highlighted the necessity to handle technology with care. In-depth discussions on what is technically feasible to implement with a tool like Polis will also have to explore pathways towards enhancing people’s trust and feelings of ownership in applied technologies. For Polis, for example, this implies finding ways to include communities based in remote areas with limited or no internet access in the deliberation process, collating people’s feedback on the results of the consensus-building process, and ensuring participants’ safety throughout the process. Collaborating among experts from various fields will be a genuine asset in carefully crafting a deliberation process that generates trust and maximises technology’s potential to promote inclusion.

Hackathon as the start of a process

The end of the Hackathon felt like the start of a continuous collaborative process on how to tap into the entry points identified over the two days. I see several ways to build on the hackathon and am looking to collaborate with counterparts who met at the hackathon in moving the conversations forward. I would therefore like to express my appreciation for the hackathon organisers’ initiative and great work in enabling this space to explore innovative ways of promoting inclusion, peace, and protection of human rights in the 21st century.

Collaborating among experts from various fields will be a genuine asset in carefully crafting a deliberation process that generates trust and maximises technology’s potential to promote inclusion.

Inclusive Peace’s Director, Thania Paffenholz, reflects on her recent experience supporting our partners at the forefront of steering and shaping Ethiopia’s national dialogue process. 

Author: Thania Paffenholz

I recently had the privilege to spend time with colleagues and friends from Ethiopia who are at the forefront of steering and shaping the Ethiopian national dialogue process. From my engagements last week here are some lessons from and for the Ethiopian and other multi-stakeholder political dialogue processes currently planned.

Addressing the dialogue as a three-layered complex system

Once a national dialogue process is planned or started, the focus is mostly on the dialogue space itself; questions are raised like who will participate, how to include marginalised actors, how to link the grassroots with the national process, how to get actors involved that do not want to engage or cannot be engaged out of legal or other reasons, how to access difficult to access geographical areas and how to develop the agenda setting for the process in an inclusive legitimate way. These are all pertinent challenging questions, see more below. What is not addressed sufficiently in most national dialogues are the other spaces outside the immediate dialogue that are equally important for an effective sustainable process.

The first is the political and social context around the dialogue. Comparative research from past national dialogue processes shows that support from key political, economic and societal elites as well as public support for the process are a make or break factors for any dialogue. It is not enough to have elite and public support at the beginning of the process; this support needs to be sustained throughout the process. In Yemen, for example, the dialogue process was very inclusive and decision-making was transparent and democratic. Nevertheless, the dialogue lost elite and public support over time and after the closure of the dialogue in 2014, war broke out that lasted until to date.

The third space for a national dialogue to consider is its sustainability: How can the results of such dialogues be used to shape the future of a peaceful and inclusive society? These questions are mostly left open to the end of the process. Dialogue organisers and participants often feel that there is an automatism between the discussions at the dialogue and its sustainable implementation. However, comparative research shows that the majority of national dialogue results are never implemented. It is thus crucial to shape the dialogue design and procedures in such a way that contributes to future sustainability.

What does this mean? For example, how transparent, inclusive, and democratic the selection of participants and the decision-making procedures will be designed, will determine how this will be applied in future governance procedures. The dialogue needs to pave the way into the future by example. Inclusion quotas for all delegations participating in the dialogue like gender, age, and geography, have been used in the cases of South Africa and Nepal as affirmative action for future government and public institutions. In Nepal, these quotas even permeated public life as they were automatically applied in social settings like associations or schools.

The inclusion challenge
Getting Inclusion right is at the heart of broad-based dialogue processes. However, there is often big confusion around inclusion centred around misunderstandings of the goals and strategies of inclusion. Is inclusion seen as representation, as a process or as an outcome? The simple answer is, that it is all of this, but different strategies and procedures need to be applied for each of these goals.

Inclusion as representation has three dimensions: First, who are the groups and constituencies participating in the dialogue; second, what is the quota system across delegations (the so-called ‘Inclusion formula’) representing the population right large as delegations will nominate or elect their members, they will have to apply a quota system during this process determined from the beginning, i.e. gender – what is the ratio of men and women within the delegations; age; geographic distribution, etc. Third, specific marginalised groups will get an extra delegation. For example, this happened in the Yemeni dialogue where women, youth and representatives from a marginalised geographical area received an extra delegation to ensure that their interests were met.

Second, inclusion as a process means that it is crucial how inclusion is practised during the process, ie. Are selection and decision-making criteria transparent and inclusive, or do they favour some over others? For example, in one of the very representative Somalia Dialogue processes, all decisions were made by a leadership committee comprised only of the big clans.

Third, inclusion as an outcome, it is not only important to have an inclusive process but to design for inclusive sustainable outcomes.

Strategic communication is a lacking essential
Strategic communication is an absent feature of many national dialogues. While operational communication is always practised (press briefings, social media or website information on the process) a holistic proactive strategic communication strategy that is better understood as active marketing of the dialogue, is mostly missing. Why is it important? Public and elite support is essential and can only be achieved with proactive strategic communication that guides all activities, gets the awareness and buy-in of the population and prevents potential conflicts.

Timeframe
Finding the right balance between rushing for results and leaving no one behind is a context-dependent and essential question bothering organisers of national dialogues. If the national dialogue is rushed, it often lacks legitimacy as it does not take sufficient time to get all relevant stakeholders on board or procedures right; if a national dialogue or its preparation is dragged on for too long, there is also a risk of losing public and elite support. Strategic communication is the most important element to counteract these risks in both cases.

Agenda setting
This is a complex task and often part of the national dialogue process at the beginning. The most important is to listen to people and develop an agenda that is legitimate and representative. Important as well is important to consider the mandate of the dialogue and other processes or institutions in the country that might be able to take over and immediately address some agenda points so that they do not have to be dealt with by the national dialogues. Not overloading the agenda to be able to produce implementable results is another important takeaway from other processes.

Armed conflict and national dialogues
National Dialogues often take place when there is still violence in the country. Evidence shows that national dialogues can take place in parallel to violence and there are different ways of including or connecting armed groups to the dialogue process – however, if armed conflicts are managed it is often easier to pursue the dialogue.

Protection, safe spaces and psycho-social support
Another set of overlooked issues in dialogue processes is the protection of participants. Often people take risks in participating in dialogues and their political and physical security needs to be considered when planning the dialogue process. Protection from social media shaming campaigns is a very relevant feature of current processes that is equally overlooked.
Creating the dialogue as a safe space is equally important as is psychosocial support for participants during the entire process as most people are traumatised and need healing and support to be able to participate.

Preparing for a national dialogue is a major task
Next to the political and technical preparations for a dialogue, preparing participants for the dialogue is key. Some groups are often much better prepared than others, which creates inequalities. Hence, systematic capacity building for understanding the dialogue and its functioning, as well as how to strategise for influence and develop joint positions are needed components.

Report,

A Practical Guide to a Gender-Inclusive National Dialogue

This guide is intended to be a practical resource for anyone preparing, advocating for, or participating in an upcoming or ongoing national dialogue, and it seeks to foster understanding of how to make a national dialogue truly inclusive of women and gender.

May 2023|Nick Ross,

Report,

What Makes or Breaks National Dialogues?

This report is based on the National Dialogue research project and its comparative analysis of 17 cases of National Dialogues (1990 – 2014). It aims to contribute to a better understanding of the functions of National Dialogues in peace processes.

October 2017|Anne Zachariassen, Cindy Helfer, Thania Paffenholz,

Briefing Note,

What Makes or Breaks National Dialogues?_BN

This briefing note summarises the findings of a research project on National Dialogues and inclusive peace processes commissioned by UNDPA. It is based on a comparative analysis of 17 cases of National Dialogues (1990-2014).

April 2017|IPTI,

In late January, we co-organised a peer convening of religious actors in Nairobi, Kenya to discuss how findings from our recent report on the role of religious actors in formal peacemaking could help to encourage more thoughtful and effective engagement of religious actors in peace processes in the Horn of Africa. In this blog, our Peace Process Support Advisor, Rainer Gude, shares key findings and takeaways from the event.

At Inclusive Peace, we often organise peer exchanges and we know from experience that people have a lot to learn from each other’s stories and reflect on recent research collectively.

Recently, we convened with religious actors from Uganda, Ethiopia, South Sudan, and Sudan to discuss how findings from our recent Peaceworks report on the role of religious actors in formal peace processes could help to encourage more thoughtful and effective engagement of religious actors in peace processes in East Africa and the Horn of Africa. We wanted to share a glimpse of what these collective reflection processes might bring to us as peace practitioners.

So what did the combination of collective reflection on research, storytelling, and strategising produce during the convening? Here are my thoughts.

First, it became clear to me that people find not only solace but new strength and new ideas in learning from others. Participants felt that the different contexts, though very different, had a lot to teach one another.

I also got a sense of an emerging regional network of religious actors. The power they have to support one another was evident and the request to continue to convene and accompany each other through the peace work was expressed.

During the peer convening, I saw how religious actors realised that they could create collaborations and support each other bilaterally across country borders. Many new connections were created and existing relationships strengthened.

I knew we religious actors do good work, but now I have some new vocabulary and proof to explain what we do for peace. (Participant at the religious actors peer convening)

Tools, concepts, and even simple vocabulary to better explain and map what and how religious actors work were found to be useful. At the same time, it was also expressed that religious actors, while having rich and large networks, also need capacity and support to fulfill their peace work. An important area that often came up during the conversion was trauma healing – without the knowledge of how to deal with both their traumas and the traumas of their constituents, the impact of even the most “useful” research” will be limited.

Lastly, what stood out to me, was the importance of bringing people together and creating, and holding the space, for collective learning.

What ensues is often out of the facilitator’s or convenor’s control, which is a good thing – the organic work of the participants can emerge where it needs to.

This was an important step. There is so much wisdom in this room and so much we learned from one another. I hope we continue to walk and work together. (Participant at the religious actors peer convening)

In his peacebuilding classic “The Moral Imagination: The Art and Soul of Building Peace”, John Paul Lederach speaks of the “critical yeast” rather than the critical mass, of people that need to come together from across a system to change it. In his understanding, change emerges when the potent ingredients of a mixed group (age and regionally), applied research, and a facilitated process come together.

In Nairobi, I saw this emerging mix play out. New cross-border initiatives were created in this fertile mixture of ingredients and the result might very well be the necessary critical yeast to set change in motion.

Report,

Religious Actors in Formal Peace Processes

This report presents a qualitative analysis of whether and how religious actors can influence formal peace processes. Originating from collaboration between the United States Institute of Peace, Inclusive Peace, and the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy, it draws on Inclusive Peace’s database, academic and policy research, and a series of regional consultations with religious actors involved in peacemaking and peacebuilding and other peace practitioners.

November 2023|Thania Paffenholz, Alexander Bramble,

Inclusive Peace’s Director, Thania Paffenholz, reflects on her participation in the recent 4th High-Level Africa Forum on Women, Peace, and Security. 

Author: Thania Paffenholz

I recently had the privilege to attend and present at the 4th African Union High-Level Forum on Women’s Peace and Security hosted by Binta Diop, the AU Special Envoy for Women Peace and Security) focussing on Participation in Peace processes in Africa.

“The future is female and African” is a phrase that sums up the forum well. The forum was characterised by a new sense of self-esteem with African female leaders from politics, civil society, and diplomacy (business notably absent) sharing their impressive stories and experiences of women leadership from a rapidly changing continent.

Why is the future female and African? Because both the international peacemaking agenda and the WPS agenda are lost in the transition between the old geopolitical system where peace processes were led by the UN and dominated by Western powers and the WPS participation agenda meant advocating for a place at the peace table – and new geopolitical realities where the UN and Western countries are no longer leading processes and are still searching for their new roles. What we see now is a set of Global South countries leading and supporting home-grown conflict management, peacemaking, and political transitions on the African continent and beyond – and in this new reality women are taking the lead.

Here are a few takeaways from the forum:

  • Women have a strong presence in national dialogues and have created strong networks: In several examples from political transition and peace processes like the current national dialogue process in Ethiopia or the upcoming Intra-Sudanese civilian political process, women are already at the forefront of national processes and have created strong home-grown women networks and coalitions that are active parts of these processes and are establishing strong gender and national agendas.
  • Women come together in solidarity in cases of authoritarian backslash: In cases of authoritarian backslash women in political leadership positions on the continent have profited from women’s solidarity through the AU and regional women networks such as Femwise and others including platforms of female parliamentarians that connect and act jointly when needed.
  • Women are still underrepresented in ceasefire talks but act creatively with alternatives: In attempts to end violence on the continent, women are demanding more participation in ceasefire talks, have presented shadow agreements (as seen in Sudan), and engage in regional and global advocacy and work on women rights agendas like protection and reintegration before they even emerge.
  • Women come together in solidarity with Palestine: Africa’s new global responsibility and self-esteem were also seen in the many solidarity statements for a humanitarian ceasefire in Palestine.

What are the next steps in a Female and African future?

While international peacemaking – and women’s participation therein – is rapidly changing there are immediate next steps for all actors in the peace and security space to promote and support:

  • Bringing African women’s experiences to the global spaces
  • Deepening the reality-based understanding of the new world order and its meaning for the WPS participation agenda on the continent and beyond;
  • Continuing to strengthen regional, continent-wide, and global women networks of different kinds and formats;
  • Rethinking existing international support strategies with a radical transformative localisation agenda brings about more creativity, real equality, and inclusion regarding established funding mechanisms or training approaches.
  • Promoting a better understanding of realities allows for more holistic approaches where peace and dialogue processes are seen as parts of complex political transitions that cannot take place in vacuums but need to engage with other societal and political processes in a context. In order to make genuine advances on the pathway to inclusive and peaceful societies the focus on inclusive outcomes needs to start today and not in the far future.

The forum made it strikingly clear that the old system rhetoric of ‘Where are the women?’ is out of date. The women are here and the future is female and African women are building these incredibly rich networks that enable them to connect, learn, and share experiences.

While the recognition of the significance of mental health grows within the peacebuilding domain, there still is a tendency to overlook how important it is to address traumas before engaging in peace processes or national dialogues. As a part of our work to accompany religious leaders in Tigray, Ethiopia, Inclusive Peace recently helped organise a retreat focused on trauma healing. In this blog, Rainer Gude, our Peace Process Support Advisor, shares his insights and experiences.

“You walked with us, helped us recognize our own trauma, stayed with us in our pain, and helped us to drink from our own well and restore our ‘hilina.’”

Hilina is a word found in Tigrinya and Amharic and means both ‘conscience’ and ‘humanity’ and is both individual and collective. The words are from one of the participants in a recent trauma healing workshop with religious leaders in Tigray that I helped facilitate at the beginning of November. But what is Inclusive Peace doing in a trauma healing workshop and what does all this have to do with our work to support the national dialogue in Ethiopia?

A year on from the “Pretoria Agreement” that stopped the guns in Tigray, northern Ethiopia, many questions remain about how to move forward. One of them concerns trauma healing. Wars always leave wounds, visible or not, that take time to heal and sometimes those unhealed wounds stand in the way of what comes next.

In May of 2023, I went with a colleague to Mekelle, in Tigray on a listening tour to visit Religious Leaders. While at Inclusive Peace we specialize in national dialogues and peace processes and are doing what we can to support the Ethiopian National Dialogue in various ways, we also know from comparative experience that you have to meet people where they are. What came from that trip to Mekelle was that a national dialogue simply seemed too distant amid the religious leaders’ pain and trauma. Subsequently, we were explicitly asked to organize a trauma-healing retreat for religious leaders. And a few months later that is exactly what we did.

The retreat was held in the beginning of November in collaboration with our partner, the African Council of Religious Leaders (ACRL), an organization with expertise in trauma healing. ACRL has designed trauma healing retreats tailored specifically for religious leaders who are often traumatized on various levels: first as victims of a conflict themselves, then by hearing all that their communities have suffered as many people come to them seeking comfort, and lastly as they feel their powerlessness in the face of widespread trauma that they were not even necessarily “trained” to deal with.

What else can I say about those intense, sad, powerful, beautiful retreat days? Certainly, I am not the same person I was before. But besides that, I have seen the power, and necessity of trauma healing and how it is a gate-opener to dealing with other broader issues related to peace.

“First you deal with people’s pain, where they are, then you can move forward from there.” Trauma-healing expert, Alfred Kibunja, African Council of Religious Leaders

In my work with Inclusive Peace, I had come to understand our approach of accompanying actors in peace and political transition processes as an act of accompaniment, of “walking with” others. But I had not quite realized where that journey could begin. The retreat participants saw no interest or connection in speaking about the National Dialogue process at the beginning of the retreat. But after a week of collectively sitting with their pain and co-creating spaces for healing, they were ready.

In a process that can only be described as accompanying, walking with, and creating a safe shared space, different religious leaders of various ages and religious backgrounds, male and female, were finally permitted to share their pain. They could safely realize that it is OK to talk about it, OK to cry, and OK not to be OK. They also found that healing was within their reach and indeed in their hands. An analogy of the healing body came to me: Any doctor will tell you that doctors do not heal anyone, the body heals itself, and as a doctor, you can only help it along the way.

Speaking about peacebuilding or political solutions or even trying to mention national dialogue when people are not ready, even with all its positive potential, would be like trying to get a plant to grow by pulling it up from its stem: You risk unrooting it. You can nourish the plant’s roots where it is and give it the sunlight of hope.

No matter how urgent or necessary the peacebuilding and national dialogue and anything else may be, sometimes the best thing to do is pause and take a step back. Trauma healing in this context gave the participants a new perspective and new energy to move forward, to heal, to even imagine what their religious communities could contribute to a national dialogue, but even more importantly, what they could contribute to a better future.

During the retreat, the participants and I experienced that while the truth may not be relative, it is relational, and in restoring relationships with themselves and their community, they were on the path towards restoring the wounded relationships with their neighbors. They understand that healing (and even peace for that matter) is a journey, not a destination, and it is a journey that is better walked together. I, and we at Inclusive Peace, are honored to walk with them.

New scientific article from Inclusive Peace’s Phillip Poppereuter, Nick Ross and Thania Paffenholz argues that the role of international actors in peacebuilding needs to be redefined in order to advance a truly transformative localisation agenda. Read the abstract from the article here and dive into the full read below.

Localization in peacebuilding, development, and humanitarian work is grounded on the claim that principles of both justice and effectiveness demand a transfer of power from international to local actors, and thus a change in the current donor–recipient relationship and the way international cooperation works and is structured.

Like any transfer of power, this creates opportunities and provokes resistance. This article conducts a structured analysis of secondary literature and publicly available contributions from Southern practitioners to identify obstacles to localization in peacebuilding and explore concrete entry points for mitigating them. The mitigation strategies seek to rectify persistent power imbalances between international and local actors in the peacebuilding field.

The article’s focus on practical steps toward localization helps to overcome the stuckness of the debate in the peacebuilding literature and move beyond the mere criticism of neoliberal peacebuilding. The article paves the way toward a third local turn in peacebuilding, which concentrates on how to achieve localization in everyday peacebuilding, focusing on its more radical, decolonial implications and avoiding the neutralizing effects of the incumbent, technocratic approach to peacebuilding.

Read the full article here

A few years back, we started research on the role of religious actors in formal peace processes in collaboration with colleague S. Ayse Kadayifci-Orellana at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. The report is now out with important results to help our understanding of the opportunities and challenges for religious actors when wanting to contribute to peace processes. Read the summary of the report for important highlights.

Despite the significant impact—both real and potential—that religious actors and communities can have on formal peace processes, there is little research on or analysis of their engagement as part of these processes. This report aims to remedy this deficit by examining whether, when, how, and to what extent religious actors have been engaged in formal peace and political transition processes.

SUMMARY 

Religious actors can make a significant contribution to formal peace and political transition processes. These actors have considerable influence not only within their own constituencies but also over public opinion generally. As seen in peace processes and political transitions over the past 30 years, this influence can both enhance and undermine peacemaking and peacebuilding efforts and formal negotiation processes. At present, however, this potential for peace is underutilized.

Religious actors can be involved in all phases of formal peace processes or political transition processes, participating in a wide array of modalities and performing a variety of functions. Religious actors are most likely to engage in formal peace activities when their own communities are affected by a conflict. They also can be involved externally, often as mediators.

Many cases in which religious actors are involved in formal peace and political transition processes are not conflicts directly over religious issues or differences but conflicts in which the parties are divided along ethnoreligious lines. In these contexts, religious actors have been highly trusted and respected by the parties involved, and religious values and ideas have proved important in political mobilization toward peace.

The inclusion of religious actors can generate greater buy-in and increase the likelihood of reaching a negotiated settlement, and in turn, increase the chances of achieving sustainable positive peace. When opposed to a particular peace process, religious actors can mobilize themselves, their constituencies, and public opinion in opposition to it.

Factors that enhance the peacemaking and peacebuilding effectiveness of religious actors include their legitimacy, their status as representatives of powerful and often well-resourced societal organizations, and their relationship to the state. In light of these advantages and the influence religious actors can exert, peace process mediators, facilitators, support actors, and donors should systematically identify and engage key religious actors who are or can be mobilized for peace and support their efforts. At the same time, it is important to be aware of religious figures and groups who could be potential spoilers and to explore ways to mitigate that danger.

About the Report
This report presents a qualitative analysis of whether and how religious actors can influence formal peace processes. Originating from a collaboration between the United States Institute of Peace, Inclusive Peace, and the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy, it draws on Inclusive Peace’s database, academic and policy research, and a series of regional consultations with religious actors involved in peacemaking and peacebuilding and other peace practitioners.

About the Authors
Alexander Bramble is a researcher and analyst at Inclusive Peace. S. Ayse Kadayifci-Orellana is a research affiliate at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and an adjunct professor at Georgetown University. Thania Paffenholz is the executive director of Inclusive Peace and a senior fellow at the Centre on Conflict, Development, and Peacebuilding at the Graduate Institute in Geneva.

 

Report,

Religious Actors in Formal Peace Processes

This report presents a qualitative analysis of whether and how religious actors can influence formal peace processes. Originating from collaboration between the United States Institute of Peace, Inclusive Peace, and the International Center for Religion and Diplomacy, it draws on Inclusive Peace’s database, academic and policy research, and a series of regional consultations with religious actors involved in peacemaking and peacebuilding and other peace practitioners.

November 2023|Thania Paffenholz, Alexander Bramble,

Author: Thania Paffenholz

The localisation agenda has reached the peacebuilding field. In this blog I am asking the question if the localisation agenda can be the next local turn in peacebuilding. Is it an agenda that offers truly transformative change or is the agenda mainly moving us towards technical questions about aid delivery to local organisations?

When I first started working on our latest research article Toward a Third Local Turn: Identifying and Addressing Obstacles to Localization in Peacebuilding, with my colleagues Philip Poppelreuter and Nick Ross, I was not aware how prominent the localisation topic is in the development and humanitarian sector. It is only recently that we have begun to talk about it in the peacebuilding field.

What we see happening now are slow openings towards a localised approach to peacebuilding: We see that donors are emphasizing localisation – not only by paying lip service to the countless normative frameworks that have embraced the agenda, but by trying hard to find ways to practise the agenda in particular when it comes to finding modi to funding local actors more directly. However, a truly transformative localisation agenda is still far away. So, how come implementation is so hard?

In essence, what is slowing down implementation, is the tension between a technical, a localisation sensitive and a localisation transformative approach. 

A technical approach to localisation centers around how aid can be directly delivered to local organisations without reducing accountability mechanisms. While this is an effective way of reaching local stakeholders, it risks becoming a technical undertaking about delivery modi without changing the underlying causes of why the aid system is in need of localisation in the first place.

The next level is a localisation sensitive approach that goes further and wants to address some of the systemic issues, namely to change the way funding flows from international to locals have been institutionalised in a colonial way of power and control. We already see steps in the right direction: Philanthropies and some bilateral donors have started to give direct support (institutional and project ) to local organisations bypassing the international intermediaries.

A sensitive approach to localisation is a great step in the right direction, however it is still not a sufficient transformative approach that addresses all dimensions of the colonial way the aid system is built and structured.

In our new article we discuss these obstacles and present ideas for alternatives. We come to the conclusion that small progress has been made with some concrete and effective projects and practices, however true progress on a transformative localisation agenda is still far away.

Here are a couple of insights from the article shedding light on why that is and what a truly transformative localisation agenda might look like.

→ The production of peacebuilding knowledge mimics old patterns of colonial relationships. Local researchers typically carry out data collection and are mentioned in acknowledgements, while international researchers set the agenda, publish and receive credits.

A transformative approach would entail that peacebuilding academia embraces new partnerships and research designs and enforces Global South research corporation. For example, the Open Society Foundations network connects think tanks in Africa, with the goal of developing African research agendas that contribute to addressing African challenges by African scholars as well as global challenges from an African perspective. The Carnegie Foundation has a programme to enhance African scholarship.

The fundings streams for peacebuilding are still controlled by a small number of international actors. Local peacebuilding actors continue to depend on external donors and this incentivizes local peacebuilders and development practitioners to tailor their practices, missions, and activities to what they think international actors want to hear.

Adapting a transformative localisation agenda would mean to promote access to flexible, long-term institutional funding. This would help to mitigate the competition for financial support among local actors, curtail the prevalence of short-term, project-based funding and guarantee local actors planning security.

Very strict accountability requirements, with which local actors often struggle to comply, is still the norm in funding for peacebuilding. This promotes homogenized tools and language as well as uniform technical knowledge that international peacebuilders apply in all contexts. Accordingly, organizations and practitioners from the Global North have developed several peacebuilding handbooks meant to be applicable for all contexts.

However, local actors’ participation in donors’ service provision initiatives does not automatically enhance local agency. Rather, local actors will only develop feelings of ownership, dignity, and fair treatment when they experience their inclusion as meaningful, that is, when they have access to resources and are able to influence decision-making processes.

So far, the localisation agenda still remains to bring  transformative change to the power structures within peacebuilding. A truly transformative agenda calls international actors to abandon their dominance when it comes to agenda setting, research, funding and monitoring activities, and to embrace a new role as accompanying partners to local actors.

Read the full article here and get in touch for more information about our work on a localised approach to peacebuilding.

Inclusive Peace’s ED, Thania Paffenholz, here reflects on her recent participation in the Shaping Feminist Foreign Policy 2023 Conference in The Hague.

After an intense WPS week in New York, I arrived exhausted in The Hague ahead of the Shaping Feminist Foreign Policy 2023 Conference. However, I eventually left the city energized by all the wonderful encounters with friends and colleagues and the rich and critical discussions before, during and after the conference. In this blog I reflect on the conference as such and share my observations emerging from the formal and informal discussion and debates at the conference.

In short my five takeaways are:

          • The conference was excellently organised with a diverse participant group and a conference organization that allowed for critical debate
          • There is a gap between a gender-inclusive and gender-transformative FFP
          • Gender budgeting and making funding mechanisms fit for purpose is central
          • The tension between FFP and militarisation was not sufficiently addressed
          • FFP seems to be a useful label

# 1: Diverse participant group and a conference organization that allowed for critical debates

The organisers, The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, brought together a wonderful diverse group of people from all around the globe and they organised the conference in a way that placed activists from challenging contexts at the centre of the event. The organisers also resisted to only showcase successes or to repeat simplified complaints on why women are not included in various processes. Instead, we saw honest exchanges with very practical reflections on next steps to address the existing gaps in FFP and we saw honesty about stark realities. One of them being that dismantling patriarchy is a major objective for a FFP, but that it is not realistic that this will be achieved easily.

Connecting and reconnecting with the many activists, experts and supporters was simply wonderful. Prior to the conference, the Dutch WPS and Feminist INGOs organized a Feminist Community Festival that allowed for more informal exchanges, practical conversations which prepared us participants well for the conference.

# 2: The gap between a gender-inclusive and gender-transformative FFP

FFP is at the very beginning in trying to implement more gender-inclusive programming but still must come a long way before being truly gender-transformative. While specific funds mostly focused on support to local women organisations in the Global South have been set up for gender inclusion, donors are also asking themselves how to move beyond and address power asymmetries through programming. This might work in specific cases, however, there are many obstacles such as incoherent programme budget lines; lack of joint country or regional planning in sector protective aid programmes; tensions between development , trade and diplomacy, and the challenge that most big funds go to humanitarian aid that is less open for transformative approaches.

The gap between a gender-inclusive and gender transformative FFP is also related to a lack of progress on the localisation agenda. This particularly means a lack of an explicit feminist localisation agenda that openly discusses not only funding mechanisms but also who distributes the funds, who employs whom for what in the aid industry and how these post-colonial power imbalances can be addressed as part of a broader inclusive FFP. Philanthropy donors seem to be a step further ahead as some give either high overheads or non earmarked institutional funding with less bureaucratic hurdles and explicitly focus on support to feminist movements.

# 3: Gender budgeting and making funding mechanisms fit for purpose is central

Many debates at the conference focussed on funding mechanisms as a precondition for changed programming and enabling support to feminist movements. This is a good start and we heard interesting examples from smaller and bigger donors like development banks, new modalities such as the Women Peace and Humanitarian Fund that brings INGOs and local organisations into partnerships and should allow for quicker and more flexible disbursement and donor funds that include Southern actors in a some decision making bodies. However, activists criticised the funding mechanisms of being still far too colonial with upwards accountability persisting and overburdensome administrative hurdles that make the dependency on the INGO intermediaries here to stay and discourage equal partnerships between Global South and Global North.

#4: The tension between FFP and militarisation was not sufficiently addressed

Government representatives at the conference were challenged throughout by activists that vividly pointed to the tension between the anti-militarised FFP normative frames and current practices. The call for a humanitarian ceasefire between Israel and Hamas dominated the scene culminating in a walk out of many activists during the speech of Hugh Adsett, Ambassador of Canada to the Netherlands and Permanent Representative to the OPCW (Canada voted against a ceasefire resolution) as well in shouting at the Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs, Hanke Bruins Slot, during the closing ceremony (The Netherlands had obtained the resolution). These current debates need more space in the future and should be moved from these expressions of frustration and informal conversations to public debates on how to deal with these tensions and ultimately overcome them.
.

# 5: FFP seems to be a useful label

My last takeaway is more of a question of whether FFP is a useful label. The case of Sweden is telling here: With the change in government last year, the new government instantly abolished the label and made substantial financial cuts for civil society, peace and development policies and programming with the result that the entire sector is suffering from these financial cuts. Nevertheless, gender equality is enshrined in the Swedish constitution and the years of FFP in Sweden have not only inspired other countries, but have shown how to more effectively practise inclusive policies and programming. This was echoed by government representatives of countries like Germany, Mexico or the Netherlands who find themselves in more vivid, concrete and results-oriented discussions in their respective ministries about how to implement gender-transformative policies which creates a more conducive environment for civil society action.

I am grateful to have been a part of these rich discussions and I look forward to the Shaping Feminist Foreign Policy Conference 2024 in Mexico.

As part of Geneva Peace Week 2023 Digital Series, Inclusive Peace has collaborated with Women’s Peace and Humanitarian Fund (WPHF) to host five podcast episodes where women peacebuilders from around the world discuss and exchange their experiences in promoting women’s participation and influence in shaping local and national peace processes.

Each episode brings forward two women peacebuilders from very different parts of the world. Their compelling conversations highlight the shared experiences of women navigating the field and what that looks like in different social and political contexts and across different cultural norms. They also discuss the challenges they face and what strategies and mechanisms they have adopted to overcome and ameliorate the situation for local women.

In Episode 1 of the podcast series, Thania Paffenholz, Executive Director of Inclusive Peace, sets the stage for the series as she discusses the changing nature of formal peace processes from the early 90s which have shifted from being comprehensive and intergovernmental to national dialogue processes, which are more broad-based and participatory. She also talks about the implications of women’s participation within the peace processes since the dissipation of the so-called ‘peace table’.

In Episode 2 of the series, Breifni Flanagan from WPHF is joined by Sophie Giscard d’Estaing, Program Coordinator at WPHF, where they discuss how current trends in peace processes affect the work at WPHF and provide examples of women’s initiatives that the Rapid Response Window has supported more recently.

In Episode 3 of the series, moderator Breifni Flanagan from WPHF is joined by Salwa Elsdaik who has managed projects on women, peace and security for the Dutch National Action Plan for resolution 1325 on Sudan and Vimbai Kapurura, Executive Director of Women Unlimited Eswatini. They discuss the linkages between protection and participation of women peacebuilders in contexts where protection needs recently have become more acute.

In Episode 4 of the series, moderator Breifni Flanagan from WPHF is joined by Hilda Issa who is a Palestinian activist working on empowering young women to advocate for women’s rights and with Concy Louis who works in rural communities in Uganda and South Sudan. They discuss how young women and girls are affected by armed conflict and the importance of and challenges to women’s inclusion in peace processes. They speak about the marginalisation that Palestinian women face and how this landscape makes them more susceptible to violence as well as how the shrinking of civic spaces in South Sudan limits young people’s ability to participate.

In Episode 5 of the series, Sartu Shemsuddin, Founder of Fratello Humanitarian Organisation and former member of the interreligious council of Ethiopia and Natalia Brandler who is the founder of Asociación CAUCE, dedicated to training and empowering Venezuelan Women leaders, exchange on the challenges and opportunities of women’s participation in national dialogues, focusing particularly on the role and situation of women’s civil society organisations.