Author Archives: EDITOR - Majken

Our Operations Coordinator Giulia Ferraro recently spent two weeks in Stans participating in the 24th Swiss Peacebuilding Training Course. Here she shared her reflections from the interaction with like-minded professionals in their thirties who are also committed to promoting and advancing the peace and security agenda. Read here what this experience inspired in her.

Those of you who have met me may have heard this story before. I started my career in the private sector working for a law firm in Australia. I have always been fascinated by the idea of ​​conflict resolution and win-win solutions. I felt proud and energetic when I witnessed great deals happening between private parties, where everyone left the table satisfied. I also understood that negotiating in the private sector is a privilege because the parties can always decide to stop negotiations and leave the room. Without judgement, I have always thought it was a legitimate decision for all individuals to say “this is not good for me, sorry”. And then I discovered the field of peacebuilding. A sector in which the stakes are so high that win-win (or the “almost win-almost win outcome” as it was described to me by one of the most inspiring professors I met at university) is a necessity. And so I left the firm and in 2018 I embarked on my path in the field of peace, security, and international cooperation.

 

I was reminded of this personal and professional transition this summer while attending the 24th Swiss Peacebuilding Training Course in Stans, Switzerland just around the corner from the breathtaking mountain Stanserhorn. An extremely well-designed two-week course co-organised by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy, the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, and the center of the Swiss Armed Forces for foreign missions. A course made for peacebuilders like me, of the Millennial generation, all coming from different walks of life and yet still linked by the common vision that sees positive global changes as an opportunity. It was refreshing to meet, talk to, and befriend some of the people I will likely meet again during the course of my career and to learn new skills through practical exercises; but most of all, it was inspiring to hear different perspectives and navigate difficult conversations together.

During these exchanges I also realised how sometimes we are so absorbed in our daily office activities that it is difficult to take time to read and really reflect on what is happening around us. This is particularly pressing in the field of peacebuilding where there is a growing number of transversal issues so broad and complex – such as climate change, food insecurity, migration, increased militarization just to name a few – that deserve more than a quick read. Despite this, I still believe that peacebuilding embodies two key elements that can help us (at least) initiate a meaningful conversation if not prompt a real process of change:prevention and addressing the root causes of conflict.

 

I left Stans feeling proud of and energetic about being a peacebuilder once again. This course has given me the opportunity to see this new generation of highly talented, specialised, and motivated peacebuilders accompanied by qualified senior professionals who engaged with us because they want us to succeed and take forward what they have built thus far. This experience has shown me that cooperation is possible and that, despite all the difficulties we face, we have an opportunity to promote real, fundamental, and positive global changes. Moreover, I have learnt new things about myself and the kind of professional I want to become and now, more than ever, I believe that we can and should embrace a new vision and modus operandi that allow us to plan long-term and seek sustainable solutions.

Giulia Ferraro, Operations Coordinator, Inclusive Peace

Our research team has compiled a list of reading materials from our library for you to dive into during this week of International Day of Peace. This list presents you with inspiring readings on how to make peace and political transition processes more gender-responsive.

Since its founding, Inclusive Peace has supported women peacebuilders in their efforts to influence local, regional, and global peace processes. Our work – peace process support and research – continuously addresses one of the key recommendations in the UNSG’s New Agenda for Peace: transforming gendered power dynamics in peace and security. Here are the top 7 of our reports and policy papers on the topic:

#1: A Practical Guide to a Gender-Inclusive National Dialogue
By bringing women into a National Dialogue and taking a gender-responsive approach, this paper fosters understanding of how to make it truly inclusive of women. Women’s inclusion and influence in dialogue will be discussed in terms of process design and context factors, as well as strategies to overcome resistance. To differentiate between levels of gender-inclusiveness, a spectrum has been introduced.

#2: Reaching an Inclusive Truce: Gendering Ceasefires
To make ceasefire texts and their constituent provisions more gender inclusive, the paper reviews and edits gender provisions drawn from ceasefire texts around the world, and examines existing literature on gender and ceasefire. There are 15 concrete strategies that result from the overall analysis, which promote inclusive ceasefire negotiation processes and inclusive, gender-responsive outcomes.

#3: Transfer from Track Two Peacebuilding to Track One Peace-making: A Focus on Yemen and Syria
This report and its policy brief provide insights into the transition of Yemen and Syria from track two peacebuilding to track one peacemaking. Researchers and practitioners are encouraged to rethink, refine, and clarify the concept of transfer to promote participatory, homegrown peacebuilding and peacemaking by discussing five main obstacles and barriers.

#4: Protection of Women Peacebuilders in Conflict and Fragile Settings in the MENA Region
Women peacebuilders and human right defenders from the MENA region are exposed to offline and online risks and threats in their daily work as presented in this report. A comprehensive analysis of existing protection regimes identifies twelve entry points that could be enhanced to enhance the protection of women peacebuilders.

#5: Using Temporary Special Measures for Inclusive Processes and Outcomes
In the post-agreement phase, the paper examines how temporary special measures (TSMs) can contribute to promoting political, economic, and social gender equality by making peace negotiation processes more inclusive of women, addressing patriarchal backlash, and changing patriarchal norms. Using the results of the analysis, thirteen lessons are derived on how to design effective TSMs in order to foster sustainable, inclusive outcomes.

#6: Entry Points Towards Ending Violence, Inclusive Peacemaking, and Democratic Transition in Sudan
Since April of this year, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have engaged in an escalating armed conflict, with millions affected. Providing seven entry points for furthering inclusive peacemaking across Sudan, the policy paper examines short- and medium-term scenarios for Sudan’s political development.

#7: Making Women Count
This report is based on the multi-year research project “Broadening Participation in Political Negotiations and Implementation”. It analyses women’s inclusion in peace and political transition processes from 1990-2015, examining the ways in which women can be included, and the factors that affect their participation in and influence on such processes.

Report,

A Practical Guide to a Gender-Inclusive National Dialogue

This guide is intended to be a practical resource for anyone preparing, advocating for, or participating in an upcoming or ongoing national dialogue, and it seeks to foster understanding of how to make a national dialogue truly inclusive of women and gender.

May 2023|Nick Ross,

Report,

Reaching an Inclusive Truce: Gendering Ceasefires

This paper serves as a guide to gender-responsive ceasefire agreements. It explores strategies to enhance women’s influence over ceasefire negotiations and provides both language and an approach to render ceasefire texts and their constituent provisions more gender responsive.

May 2023|Kaitlyn Hashem, Alexander Bramble,

Report,

Transfer from Track Two Peacebuilding to Track One Peacemaking: A Focus on Yemen and Syria

This report shares new insights about transfer from track two to track one in Yemen and Syria, and provides a framework that all actors and funders can use to assess and plan for effective transfer.

May 2023|Kaitlyn Hashem, Thania Paffenholz,

Report,

Protection of Women Peacebuilders in Conflict and Fragile Settings in the MENA Region

This paper seeks to promote a better understanding of the threats and risks that women peacebuilders in Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen frequently encounter. Also, it aims to sketch support strategies that could be used in the future to enhance the protection of women peacebuilders.

May 2023|Philip Poppelreuter,

Report,

Using Temporary Special Measures for Inclusive Processes and Outcomes

This paper explores the capacity of TSMs to render peace negotiation processes more gender inclusive and to promote political, economic, and social gender equality in the post-agreement phase.

May 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Nick Ross, Alexander Bramble,

Policy Paper,

Entry Points Towards Ending Violence, Inclusive Peacemaking, and Democratic Transition in Sudan

The escalation of armed hostilities between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on 15 April 2023 have pushed Sudan to the brink of collapse. This policy paper considers potential scenarios for the country's political development in the short- and medium-term and identifies seven entry points for furthering inclusive peacemaking in Sudan.

July 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Alexander Bramble,

Report,

Making Women Count - Not Just Counting Women: Assessing Women's Inclusion and Influence on Peace Negotiations

This report is based on the multi-year research project “Broadening Participation in Political Negotiations and Implementation”. It examines women’s inclusion and influence in peace processes.

April 2016|Steven Dixon, Anna-Lena Schluchter, Jacquie True, Thania Paffenholz, Nick Ross,

Inclusive Peace has just launched a report sharing ideas and options for a negotiated end to the war in Ukraine. Read the co-authors, Alexander Bramble, Nick Ross and Philip Poppelreuter’s reflections on the importance of this research and the methodology they applied in this Q&A.

Why was it important to conduct this research at this point in time?

Firstly, 18 months after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine began, there are clear indications that neither Ukraine or Russia will be able to achieve a decisive military victory. The resulting prospect of prolonged fighting – and with it continued loss of life, human suffering, infrastructural and environmental destruction and the knock-on effects for the rest of the world – highlights the importance of considering alternative pathways to end the war – including negotiations, which statistically constitute the most likely chance of sustainably ending the war. Secondly, the idea of exploring diplomatic solutions to end the war has gained increasing traction among state leaders since early 2023. You can see this in repeated public calls by leaders from states such as Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, and South Africa for immediate negotiations to end the war, French president Emmanuel Macron referring to a negotiated settlement as the most likely outcome of the war, and Ukrainian president Zelenskiy seeking support for his ten-point peace formula.

However, despite negotiations seeming less distant than a couple of months ago, there have been only vague proposals for how to prepare for them and what a negotiation framework could look like. Our research provides concrete options for policy makers, experts from civil society and business, and the media to prepare for negotiations and design a negotiation framework that ensures Ukrainian interests are taken into consideration, unlike during the Minsk process in 2014/15.

In what way has the past (past conflict/peace processes) informed this research? Why is this approach important?

The challenge of designing a negotiation framework that the conflict parties deem viable can seem overwhelming and requires both creativity and process design expertise. Our research draws heavily on comparative evidence and past peace processes to show that setting up a negotiation framework that paves the way for a mutually acceptable compromise for how to end a war is always possible – no matter how unthinkable this may seem initially. Moreover, using comparative evidence allows us to highlight concrete options for how to prepare for and design a negotiation framework to end the war in Ukraine – without prescribing one specific negotiation framework or preparatory activities.

What are the advantages of this approach? What are the pitfalls?

While every armed conflict has its specific features and is exceptional in various ways, there are often similarities across conflicts in the reasons for the outbreak of fighting and the obstacles that prevent conflict parties from considering negotiations as a genuine alternative. Past experiences around negotiation processes combined with a thorough analysis of the armed conflict can therefore advance the thinking about meaningful steps to prepare for negotiations and a comprehensive negotiation framework that can pave the way for sustainable peace.

The risk of comparing apples with oranges is a pitfall of this research approach. Actors who are less familiar with the peacebuilding field might also develop the misguided idea that what has worked to end conflict in the past can be replicated in an almost identikit way in other contexts. Superficial comparisons may also result in premature and flawed ideas for how to prepare for negotiations and design a negotiation framework, which is likely to be unhelpful in reaching a diplomatic solution.

How do you hope that this research will be applied?

Past peace processes can offer a valuable starting point and source of inspiration, not least as they show that other wars involving deeply felt grievances and seemingly irreconcilable positions have ended through negotiation too.

Policymakers could use our report to identify and act on concrete steps for preparing for negotiations. This also includes thinking about which of the options the report presents for designing a negotiation framework could work in the case of Ukraine. The same is true for civil society actors, who will find various information they can use to publicly advocate for the need to start preparing for negotiations and think about what role they want to play in the preparatory phase and the subsequent negotiation process.

We also hope our report will contribute to a more nuanced public discourse on the importance of preparing for negotiations to end this war. The media could use our research to advance a better understanding of the role of negotiations in ending wars and how preparing for them can pave the way for both a lasting peace and at least the start of the transformation of the international security architecture that is needed for sustainable peace.

What aspects of this report can you say would most likely be easily misunderstood? Why?

There has been a tendency in Western public discourse to thus far overlook – or in some cases even reject – any attempt to talk about negotiations as an act of compromising on Ukrainian interests and a sign of weakness towards Russia and a validation of its strategy of invasion. We don’t see it like that. Given that negotiations are highly likely to happen at some point, providing assistance to the Ukrainian government to ensure it can defend its position and interests in any potential peace talks constitutes one key facet of the package of support Ukraine’s allies can provide. Also, the longer Ukraine’s allies wait before pivoting to a strategy that also involves preparatory assistance for a diplomatic solution in addition military and economic support, the harder it will be to avoid the perception that this constitutes a major policy shift that relinquishes support to Ukraine that was previously portrayed as being unwavering.

What’s your advice on how researchers can avoid oversimplifications or inaccuracies when using historical analogies to understand current conflicts?

We see two concrete strategies for researchers to avoid this kind of trap. Firstly, it is important to be aware of the fallacy that there is one pathway for ending an armed conflict. It follows that both the framing and interpretation of historical analogies is key: they can reveal entry points and help to develop suggestions for managing and ending present and future conflicts, but can’t provide ready-made blueprints. Communicating transparently about the opportunities and limitations of historical analogies is also key in this respect.

Secondly, incorporating voices and experts that are familiar with the conflict-affected region under study/observation will also be key for interpreting drawn analogies. Various actors, both individuals and institutions, with context-specific knowledge can provide advice on potentially insightful historical analogies and to what extent they apply to the specific case under consideration.

Overall, as ever, the devil is in the detail and how that detail is interpreted. This implies that only a thorough reading of comparative historical cases and a comprehensive analysis of the conflict at stake can foster a better understanding of the specific circumstances under which past conflicts were managed and ended and what this implies in terms of options for pathways to ending contemporary armed conflict.

 

Photo credits: manhhai (Flickr) 

Report,

Negotiating an End to the War in Ukraine: Ideas and Options to Prepare for and Design a Negotiation Process

This report provides ideas and options for a negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine. It draws on comparative evidence to illustrate how and why a negotiation process could start, how different actors can prepare for negotiations, and what the negotiation framework could look like.

August 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Nick Ross, Alexander Bramble,

Briefing Note,

Briefing Note: Negotiating an End to the War in Ukraine: Ideas and Options to Prepare for and Design a Negotiation Process

This briefing note provides a summary of Inclusive Peace's full research report that draws on comparative evidence to explore ideas and options to prepare for and design a negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine.

August 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Nick Ross, Alexander Bramble,

Peacebuilders need to take time out to recharge too. Inclusive Peace’s Peace Process Support Advisor, Rainer Gude reflects on how taking a walk helped a peacebuilder find some peace of mind.

Bob Marley’s legendary producer, Lee “Scratch” Perry, once famously said, “everyone wants a piece of this and a piece of that, but me don’t get no peace.”

We peacebuilders also have a lot of people (funders, colleagues, and partners… let alone our families and friends) that want a “piece” of us. But do we have the right to a real vacation, I mean one where no one can get a “piece” (even in email or whatsapp form) of us, one where we can really find some of our own peace? Some nagging voices, including the ones in our head, may even question if we have the “right” or the “luxury” to go on holiday, let alone a “long” or even, heaven forbid, a “disconnected” holiday.

Now, please don’t take any of this with any judgement (although there may be a slight bit of judgement towards those who place deadlines in the middle or right at the end of vacations…) . I realise I speak with the privilege of being actually able to take a vacation. Furthermore I speak with the knowledge that many people who could and try to take vacations are bogged down by the urgencies of their organisations and positions. Take this simply as my own experience and as an advocacy for the importance of finding spaces that give you peace and recharge those batteries. What follows are my reflections on how vacation actually makes me a better peacebuilder.

I would argue, and even promote, that a good holiday, finding some good “peace” for yourself where no other piece of yourself is available to your work, is not only a good thing, but also a necessary one. One that is an investment in yourself, your future and indeed your present, besides being also good for valuable family and friend time. Sometimes our work is so urgent, important and necessary that the best possible thing is to take a break.

Jean Monnet, one of the godfathers of what would become the European Union was famous for dropping everything, even in the middle very important and tense moments of writing and preparing what would lay the foundations for European peace, and simply leaving to hike for two weeks in the alps. We can wonder if he would have taken a smartphone had he had one… but lucky for him, back then being “unreachable” was more of a reachable goal.

Inspired and encouraged by Jean Monnet’s ambulant example I have taken a few walking breaks myself. I have walked the Camino Santiago and also more recently (last year) took a sabbatical to walk 1,000 km to Rome. Yeah, I kind of like walking. So this summer, now that I live in Nairobi, I went looking for a similar option. With some friends we came up with the idea of hiking and camping the Tanzanian coast walking 100 km from Dar es Salam along wonderful beaches, towering Baobabs, and quiet local fishing communities. Of course, three muzungus (Swahili for “white person”, as we were myself, and Italian and a Filipino) were quite the oddity with our big backpacks, who were just “walking” for “fun” and sleeping in a tent out of our own free will.

Needless to say this vacation was quite the change of pace, and indeed very refreshing. But why? And why would a peacebuilder, dealing with many urgent challenges of the countries and populations they are trying to accompany, want a break or to be disconnected from the urgent needs of the context or their team and colleagues (and of course never forget the donors)? Well, precisely because that work requires the best of our energy and ourselves, we sometimes need to recharge those batteries and take care of the best peacebuilding tool we have, ourselves. Clearing our minds with some new scenery, some new experiences and getting as far away from an office, computers, team meetings in any shape or form is a way of getting some much needed headspace, perspective, and yes, some peace. And trust me, to be a good peacebuilder (let alone a relatively balanced person) you will need that.

Our peacebuilding work, like life itself, is a journey, indeed an adventure, and this physical journey of my vacation offered a lot of lessons that not just recharged the batteries but are applicable to work and life as well. It did so by literally slowing things down by allowing me to go one step at a time. Took me off the beaten path as we walked mostly on the beach and were at the whim of the tides, sometimes embarking on the adventure of scaling jagged half eroded coastline rocks and wading through rivers bulged by high tide. This sense of adventure and embracing the uncertain and living one moment at a time was also as refreshing as the frequent dunks in the beautiful ocean that accompanied us along the way. It is also extremely refreshing to only carry what you need, live simply with less, and enjoy the hospitality and help of locals for directions, guidance, and advice on where to stay and of course eat. Getting the freshest fish imaginable from local fisherman was also a treat, as is being nourished by their stories and perspective on life as they navigate the challenges of theirs (so different from your own) in boats carved from mango trees and courage and simplicity that can face whatever the winds and waves of time may send them.

Another great thing about such a holiday is that your “to-do” list is actually so easy and achievable that you can remember it without writing it down or putting it in any app, and, more importantly you can actually achieve it. Walk, eat, sleep, listen to your body, enjoy, repeat. Now, I could go on, but the last benefit of such a vacation, for anyone really, but particularly for the peacebuilder, is that you see progress. How often is our progress or success so difficult to measure? How many more meetings or emails will it take to feel like there is “progress?” Well, when you are walking the coast of Tanzania, you can literally see the skyline of Dar es Salam, where you started, disappear in the distance behind you and you can see the shoreline and villages changing as you advance. You can even see the astonishment in people’s faces when they hear where you started. “That’s impossible” is often said (if not, “that’s crazy”). It is indeed a great discovery to feel in your bones, and your feet, that the “impossible” (or crazy for that matter) is simply many small steps of “possible”, and it is a discovery that refreshes and even relaxes you.

Now, we need something to tie this all together. Or perhaps, to speak your language, you can call this the “Executive Summary,” and since we live in a world of acronyms and something practically doesn’t exist if it does not have some memorable acronym, here is one that may help summarise what a good vacation and recharging period requires. Let’s call it CUT:

  • Connect: with yourself, with loved ones, with nature, with your passion
  • Unplug: from work, from technology, emails and other work communication
  • Try: something new, a bit of adventure, a bit of uncertainty, and not something that can be measured, or weighed down, in success or failure

Lastly, I know that walking is not for everyone, but some of these things that I mentioned can be helpful in refreshing oneself and finding some peace in the midst of turmoil. We probably need to ask ourselves more regularly, what refreshes me? Where and how can I find some peace for myself? Where and how can I keep from being torn in many different directions, or pieces? The work we do is important, and urgent, and indeed quite necessary and what’s more sometimes we really have become “indispensable”. But, in order to be able to give the best of yourself to your team, your partners, your family, even the donors and more importantly to yourself you may need to think of how that is best done for you.

And a final thought. We can certainly give our precious time, piece by piece, to building peace. My experience simply shows that maintaining some of that “building” to be done within your own life, is not only the best thing you can do for yourself, but for everyone else too.

Wishing all of you a great journey in this year ahead.

 

Photo: Rainer Gude

18 months into the war in Ukraine, a diplomatic solution is gaining momentum. However, diplomatic initiatives acutely lack discussions on what a negotiation process could look like and how to prepare for it.

Meanwhile, there is stalemate on the battlefield and neither side looks like achieving a decisive military victory in the near future. This means that fighting could drag on for an extended period of time, prolonging human suffering, infrastructural and environmental devastation, and the severe knock-on effects of the war for the rest of the world.

To address this Inclusive Peace has published a study with an accompanying briefing note to suggest ideas and options for a negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine.

The study presents new comparative evidence and analysis showing that

  • negotiations statistically constitute the most likely chance of sustainably ending the war.
  • planning and preparing for negotiations can happen even while the fighting continues
  • preparing for negotiations now will help Ukrainians defend their interests in any negotiation format
  • any negotiated settlement needs to take into consideration the reality that the causes of the war are broader than Russia/Ukraine and include unresolved conflicts between Russian Federation and NATO
  • Ukrainians – both in government and civil society – should have access to and influence over any negotiation format to ensure the primacy of Ukrainian interests and ownership

For further reading please see the briefing note and the full report:

Briefing Note,

Briefing Note: Negotiating an End to the War in Ukraine: Ideas and Options to Prepare for and Design a Negotiation Process

This briefing note provides a summary of Inclusive Peace's full research report that draws on comparative evidence to explore ideas and options to prepare for and design a negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine.

August 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Nick Ross, Alexander Bramble,

Report,

Negotiating an End to the War in Ukraine: Ideas and Options to Prepare for and Design a Negotiation Process

This report provides ideas and options for a negotiation process to end the war in Ukraine. It draws on comparative evidence to illustrate how and why a negotiation process could start, how different actors can prepare for negotiations, and what the negotiation framework could look like.

August 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Nick Ross, Alexander Bramble,

Our latest policy paper outlines pathways to ending the violence and creating an inclusive Sudanese society. Read a summary of the paper and four key takeaways here and dive deeper into the paper linked below.

Since the escalation of the conflict in Sudan in April 2023, the state has been on the brink of collapse. Fighting has killed an estimated over 600 people, wounded 11,796, and evicted more than 2.8 million from their homes as of June estimates by the UN.

Ending the fighting and giving the Sudanese people’s access to humanitarian support should be the highest priority for all national and international stakeholders. At the same time, the current collapse of Sudan’s governing system creates opportunities to rebuild the political system towards a civilian led inclusive governance system. As the Jeddah talks convened by Saudi Arabia and the United States continues to stumble without any meaningful progress, our policy paper reflects on alternate pathways to ending the violence and creating an inclusive post-conflict settlement.

Sudanese civilian actors might want to start preparing such a civilian led inclusive political transition process. Preparing to push for a civilian-led political transition will be key for creating an inclusive, sustainable peace in Sudan. This preparation includes among other aligning visions for Sudan’s political future and establishing strong civilian leadership.

African governments should now start collaborating towards ending the violence and supporting the installation of a civilian led inclusive government. The international community should stand ready to support such an African led initiative as well as enable civil society to contribute.

To guide this preparatory phase, this policy paper analyses the drivers of the current conflict and identifies entry points for Sudanese civilian actors, particularly women and the international community.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

  • The conflict in Sudan is not only caused by the power struggle between two armed factions, but as well the result of a dysfunctional state and a long history of divide and rule. Understanding the underlying constraints to a peaceful political transition in Sudan process is key in order for civilian actors to strategize
  • There is a need to be more complementary across the various diplomatic efforts at regional and international level to date, and to be more creative in how inclusivity is pursued (both in process and outcome). The international community needs to put aside traditional approaches to ending the violence and peacemaking in Sudan – many of which have largely been tried in Sudan before over the past three decades, and many of which have contributed to the point the country finds itself at. Different outcomes require fundamentally different processes, including support to civilian-led pathways.
  • Evidence suggests that local ceasefires with limited scope can be effective in halting violence and enhance the population’s access to humanitarian support. Civil society actors and women could push for such local ceasefires wherever possible, ensuring that the ceasefires are both substantively and procedurally inclusive.
  • Next to pushing for civilian inclusion into ceasefires and formal negotiation processes, Sudan’s civil society and other civilian actors could establish their own civilian led peace process to end the violence and lead the country back on a pathway to an inclusive democratic civilian led transition

 

Photo: UNAMID – Olivier Chassot

Policy Paper,

Entry Points Towards Ending Violence, Inclusive Peacemaking, and Democratic Transition in Sudan

The escalation of armed hostilities between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on 15 April 2023 have pushed Sudan to the brink of collapse. This policy paper considers potential scenarios for the country's political development in the short- and medium-term and identifies seven entry points for furthering inclusive peacemaking in Sudan.

July 2023|Philip Poppelreuter, Thania Paffenholz, Alexander Bramble,

Transitional justice processes play a pivotal role in addressing past wrongs, holding perpetrators accountable, and providing reparations to victims. The processes are complex and challenging, which require the cooperation and commitment of various stakeholders.

In this Inclusive Peace learning we have outlined the seven most common constraints and how civil society organisations and faith-based actors can work on the mitigation of these challenges with country examples. These learnings are based on our comparative knowledge from peace processes worldwide.

The seven constraints to inclusive transitional justice processes include (but are not limited to)

→ conflict party resistance
→ disagreement on adequate forms of punishment and reparation
→ recording and documentation
→ internal divisions among victims
→ instrumentalisation and victimisation
→ victims’ exclusion
→lack of resources

Seven constraints to inclusive transitional justice processes

Conflict Party Resistance
Resistance from parties involved in the conflict is one of the major constraints of transitional justice processes. The resistance can manifest in various forms, from attempts to obstruct accountability mechanisms, the unwillingness to cooperate with investigations to actively undermining the truth-seeking efforts. The lack of cooperation from key actors can make it difficult to achieve justice and reconciliation.

Disagreement on Adequate Forms of Punishment and Reparation
Transitional justice processes often encounter challenges in determining the appropriate forms of punishment and reparation for perpetrators and victims, respectively. Stakeholders may have different opinions on what constitutes justice, leading to tensions and disagreements. For example, societies may be divided on issues like capital punishment, amnesty, or alternative forms of justice such as truth commissions or community-based reconciliation. Likewise, disagreements may arise regarding the extent and scope of reparations, creating tensions among stakeholders seeking to achieve justice while promoting societal healing.

Recording and Documentation
After a period of conflict, evidence may be lost or destroyed, making it difficult to identify perpetrators and bring them to justice. Insufficient documentation can undermine the credibility of a transitional justice process. Accurate and comprehensive documentation is vital to any successful transitional justice process.

Internal Divisions among Victims
It is common for conflict situations to fracture societies and result in victims belonging to different ethnic, religious, and social groups being siloed. As a result of these divisions, the solidarity necessary to pursue justice collectively can encounter barriers. Furthermore, some victims would prefer retributive justice, which seeks harsh punishment for perpetrators, while others would be interested in restorative justice, which emphasises healing and reconciliation.

Instrumentalisation and Victimisation
Transitional justice processes can be manipulated for political gain by elites and others with vested interests. These actors may use the justice system to target political opponents or avoid accountability themselves, while victims may face further victimisation such as through re-traumatisation or stigmatisation if they participate in justice-seeking initiatives.

Victims’ Exclusion
In many cases, marginalised groups, such as women, minorities, or indigenous people, are excluded from transitional justice processes, which poses a significant challenge to its legitimacy and effectiveness. This can lead to the continued marginalisation of these groups leaving them feeling helpless and unsatisfied, which would hinder efforts to achieve a comprehensive and inclusive reconciliation.

Lack of Resources
Transitional justice processes are time-consuming, requiring adequate funding and infrastructure. Many countries emerging from conflict may lack the necessary financial and human resources to establish and sustain effective justice mechanisms. This limitation can result in delayed or compromised justice outcomes, furthering the frustration of victims and impeding the path to lasting peace.

Want to learn more about transitional justice?

In our blog series, PEACEBUILDING LESSON, Transitional justice and reconciliation expert Tecla Namachanja shares her experience of the use of various mechanisms found in Kenya to provide support to those who suffered violent conflict and human rights violations.

 

Top featured photo: “Enhancing Relationships in The Gambia” by Diplomatic Security Service is marked with Public Domain Mark 1.0.

In the framework of our “Enhancing Women’s Leadership for Sustainable Peace in Fragile Contexts in the MENA region” project in collaboration with UN Women, over the past two years Inclusive Peace has been working on an overarching body of research exploring how to make peace and political transition processes more meaningfully inclusive and gender-responsive, and how this in turn can increase the likelihood that these processes give rise to sustainable inclusive outcomes. This work has resulted in a series of publications ‒ a research report, a policy brief and four research papers ‒ that are summarised below:

The report Transfer from Track Two Peacebuilding to Track One Peace-making: A Focus on Yemen and Syria and its companion policy brief present insights about transfer from track two peacebuilding to track one peace-making activity in Yemen and Syria. They discuss five main obstacles and barriers to transfer between track two and track one and encourage researchers and practitioners to rethink, refine, and clarify the concept of transfer to promote participatory, homegrown peacebuilding and peacemaking.

The paper Reaching an Inclusive Truce: Gendering Ceasefires reviews and edits gender provisions drawn from ceasefire texts around the world to provide both language and an approach to render ceasefire texts and their constituent provisions more gender inclusive, and examines existing literature on gender and ceasefires. The overall analysis results in 15 concrete strategies, which promote inclusive ceasefire negotiation processes and inclusive, gender-responsive outcomes.

The paper A Practical Guide to a Gender-Inclusive National Dialogue fosters understanding of how to make a National Dialogue truly inclusive of women and gender responsive. It describes process design and context factors that can affect women’s opportunities in a dialogue as well as strategies to counteract resistance to the meaningful inclusion and influence of women and gender. A spectrum is introduced to differentiate between levels of gender-inclusiveness.

The paper Protection of Women Peacebuilders in Conflict and Fragile Settings in the MENA Region identifies the offline and online risks and threats that women peacebuilders and activists from the MENA region encounter in their daily work. A thorough review of the gaps and best practices in existing protection regimes points to twelve entry points for enhancing women peacebuilders’ protection.

The paper Using Temporary Special Measures for Inclusive Processes and Outcomes examines the capacity of temporary special measures (TSMs) to render peace negotiation processes more gender inclusive and to promote political, economic, and social gender equality in the post-agreement phase, including ways to counteract patriarchal backlash and transform patriarchal norms. The analysis gives rise to thirteen lessons on how to design effective TSMs, which can help to foster sustainable inclusive outcomes.

 

_D3S9439” by U.S. Embassy Jerusalem is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0.

Our team is sharing various books and a podcast, which kept them turning the pages and listening to most episodes.

Read

Cho Nam-Joo, Kim Ji-young, Born 1982

Kim Ji-young, whose name is the Korean equivalent of “Jane Doe”, experiences a life that is both crushingly banal and nightmarish. An initial dissociative episode is the start of a descent into multi-personality madness, clinically chronicled by her psychiatrist, through which Ji-young comes to represent the unheard everywoman in South Korea.

The novel shines a glaring light on endemic sexism, misogyny, and institutional discrimination in the country, and shows how they are tied into many other socio-economic issues. The book is up there with Bong Joon-ho’s film Parasite in the vanguard of South Korean cultural social criticism.

Recommended by Alex Bramble

The Peacebuilding Puzzle

A book I think about often and have occasionally returned to (though not as much as I would like), it provides a compelling analysis of why international investments in peacebuilding have not led to sustainable outcomes, chiefly because they have been co-opted by or have failed to transform dominant modes of power and influence associated with the political economy of conflict, and associated modes of governance. While approaching in on 10 years old, the analysis in the book remains highly relevant.

Recommended by Alex Shoebridge

Risk Savvy, Gerd Gigerenzer

This book is about how in an age of data and information overload we can manage risks and uncertainty (which the author shows are not the same) and become more risk savvy. Often it is simple rules of thumb, knowing how to read and communicate the risks well, and trusting our intuition, that can guide us much better than so called “experts” can. An easy, straight-forward and often funny read.

Recommended by Rainer Gude

Listen

The Mediator’s Studio

This podcast is from the Oslo Forum. It gives the space to practitioners in diplomacy and peacebuilding to share their experiences of mediation/negotiation behind closed doors.

Recommended by Tamar Tkemaladze

Our team has selected books and webinars that they found interesting, engaging and informative to enjoy this month.

Read

The Earth Transformed, Peter Frankopan

The book explores the interactions between human societies and the environment, with a particular focus on how closely the environment has shaped human civilisation. Impressive in its sweeping scope. I haven’t yet finished; I have a sneaking suspicion the news at the end isn’t going to be great…

Recommended by Alex Bramble

Monocle’s The Foreign Desk, “The Good Friday Agreement 25 years on”

A critical look back at how the Good Friday Agreement was achieved, the intended and unintended consequences of the Agreement on political and social dynamics since, and some remaining questions regarding pathways to reconciliation and collaborative governance.

Recommended by Alex Shoebridge

The Swarm by Frank Schätzing

Having already reached the status of a classic in Germany, this novel makes you think about what the consequences of the destruction of the earth’s ecological balance could look like further down the road. Thrilling and disturbing.

Recommended by Philip Poppelreuter

Transformative Scenario Planning, Adam Kahane

Sometimes instead of just adapting to the future, we need to take a step back, create a diverse group of people from across the whole spectrum, and start imagining different scenarios of what could (not should) happen. In that slow process, new ideas can be planted and eventually grown that can help transform systems. Some interesting anecdotes and good examples as well.

Recommended by Rainer Gude

Listen

Queen’s University Belfast’s Agreement 25 conference

To mark the 25th anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA), Queen’s University Belfast hosted a three-day conference under four themes:
celebrating the achievements of those who signed the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (GFA), recognising the role of women in peace building, amplifying the voice of the next generation of young leaders, and creating a dialogue that proposes and considers social and economic solutions to the major issues that will impact the region over the next 25 years. On Day 2, the one event “Media in Conflict and Peace” looked at the role journalism played from the Troubles to the present day.

Recommended by Wairimu Wanjau